a word with an indo-european root

souche [su∫]

   a. [d'arbre] stump

   b. [de famille, race] de vieille souche of old stock

• elle est française de souche she's of French origin

• faire souche to found a line

   c. [de mot] root

• mot souche root word

   d. [de bactéries, virus] strain

   e. ( = talon) counterfoil

• carnet à souches counterfoil book

* * *

1) ( d'arbre) (tree) stump; ( de vigne) stock

2) ( origine) stock

3) Biologie strain

4) (de carnet, livret) stub

••

* * *

1) [arbre] stump

2) (= origine)

3) MÉDECINE strain

4) [carnet] stub, counterfoil Grande-Bretagne

* * *

souche nf

1 ( d'arbre) (tree) stump; ( de vigne) stock;

2 ( origine) stock; de souche paysanne of peasant stock; de vieille/bonne souche of old/good stock; être français de souche to be French born and bred; faire souche to establish a line;

3 Biol strain; souche virale/bactérienne virus/bacterial strain;

4 (de carnet, livret) stub.

dormir comme une souche to sleep like a log; rester (planté) comme une souche to be rooted to the spot.

[suʃ] nom féminin

1. BOTANIQUE [d'un arbre en terre] stock, bole

[d'un arbre coupé] stump

[d'une vigne] stock

2. [d'un carnet] stub, counterfoil (UK)

3. [origine] descent, stock

faire souche [ancêtre] to found ou to start a line

4. (familier) [crétin] idiot, dumbo

5. CONSTRUCTION base

6. BIOLOGIE strain

7. DROIT stock

————————

de souche locution adjectivale

ils sont français de souche they're of French extraction ou origin

————————

de vieille souche locution adjectivale

of old stock

(gen. ægis), m.

1) the sea, ocean, main; sól gengr í ægi, the sun sets in the sea;

2) the giant Ægir, the husband of Ran; Ægis dœtr, the daughters of Æ., the waves, billows.

* * *

m., thus, not œgir, as is shewn both by the spelling of vellums and by ancient rhymes, as ægir and frægr in a poem on king Canute: [ægir is an old mythical word, the root of which is not to be sought for in the Norse languages, for it is much older; it may be akin to the Gr. ὠκεανός, both being derived from some Indo-European root; A. S. eagor, the sea; it still survives in provinc. Engl. for the sea-wave or Bore on rivers, ‘have a care, there’s the Eager coming,’ Carlyle’s Heroes, p. 198]:—the sea, ocean, main; hver eru sævar heiti?—heitir marr ‘ægir,’ etc., Edda 100; ægi lægja, to calm the sea, Rm. 40; eldr, veðr, ægi, jörðu, 625. 178; sér hón upp koma öðru sinni jörð ór ægi, Vsp.: gold is ægis bál, eldr, see Lex. Poët.: the word is a favourite with poets, ancient as well as modern, esp. in the ballads and rímur; in prose it only survives in a few phrases and compds, sól gengr í ægi, the sun sets in the sea (cp. ganga til viðar), Fms. ii. 302, v. 169; sól skundar í æginn, Al. 67.

II. mythol. the giant Ægir, the husband of Ran (answering both to Okeanos and Poseidon of the Gr. legends), Edda: Ægis-dætr, the daughters of Æ. = the nine Okeanidae, Edda 101, Hkv. 1. 26; as to the banquet at Ægir, cp. esp. the poem Lokasenna and Hým.: Ægis-bróðir, the brother of Æ., i. e. Wind, Fire, or Sea. all three being the sons of the giant Fornjót: in local names, Ægi-síða, in the north of Icel., Landn.

mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]

mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];

Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]

màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]

aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;

mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}

maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}

moke (EV) `poppy' [f]

IE meaning: poppy

Certainty: -

Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.

Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];

Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];

OHG māho `poppy'

;

OHG mago `poppy'

;

OS magosāmo `poppyseed'

;

OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'

;

OSw. valmoghe `poppy'

\{4\};

Est. magun `poppy;

Liv. maggon `poppy'

\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona², magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]

mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];

mel `chalk' [m o]

měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];

měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];

měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]

miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]

miel `sand-bank' [f i];

miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]

mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];

mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]

smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}

smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}

Certainty: +

Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).

OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'

;

Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'

;

Sw. smula `chunk'

;

Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];

Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'

\{3\} \{4\}

\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]

mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];

mel `chalk' [m o]

měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];

měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];

měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]

miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]

miel `sand-bank' [f i];

miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]

mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];

mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]

smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}

smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}

Certainty: +

Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).

OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'

;

Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'

;

Sw. smula `chunk'

;

Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];

Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'

\{3\} \{4\}

\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

Grammatical information: n.

Meaning: `wealth' (Il.). On the meaning Hemelrijk, Πενία, diss. Utrecht 1926.

Other forms: m. (after πλοῦτος, Fehrle Phil Woch. 46, 700f).

Compounds: εὐηφενής (Il.; the better attested v. l. εὐηγενής is hardly correct; Bechtel, Lex.); also in the PN Δι-, Κλε-, Τιμ-αφένης.

Derivatives: (with loss of vowel and remarkable final stress) ἀφνειός (Il.), later ἀφνεός `rich' (Il.). From here retrograde ἄφνος n. (Pi. Fr. 219).

Origin: IE [Indo-European] * h₂bʰen- `rich'

Etymology: Uncertain. The connection with Skt. ápnas- n. `possessions, riches' (Bréal MSL 13, 382f.; cf. ὄμπνη; also Pisani Ist. Lomb. 73, 515) is now generally rejected (also as * apsnos). - The word was one of the corner stones of the Pelasgian theory, which can now be abandoned (also Heubeck's variant, the Minoan-Minyan language: Praegraeca 70). The agreement with Hitt. happina(nt)- `rich', is remarkable. The postulated verb hap-(zi) is improbable (Puhvel HED 3, 124f). The Hittite word could be IE (Szemerényi Glotta 33, 1954, 275 - 282). Puhvel's h₁op- is impossible ( h₁- disappears in Hittite); but Lat. opulentus \< * op-en-ent- is improbable: - ulentus is a frequent suffix in Latin, and - ant is very productive in Hittite so that it cannot be projected back into PIE; with it disappears the explanation of - ulentus (I also doubt the dissmilation n - nt, with t after the second n; there are other difficulties in the theory, as the author indicated); the - en- has no clear function and is not found elsewhere after op-; thus the connection of opulentus with the Hittite word disappears. - Irene Balles (HS 110, 1997) starts from *n̥-gʷʰn-o-, parallel to - io- in Skt. ághnyā- `(the valuable animal which is) not to be killed'. (She explains the adj., and the accent, from *n̥gʷʰn-es-o- \> ἀφνεό-, with metrical lengthening in Homer). But she has to explain the full grade from analogy after σθένος, which is improbable; the whole construction is not convincing. - The Greek word is rather IE (cf. archaic εὐηφενής). For Greek a root * h₂bʰen- is the obvious reconstruction. The accent and the form ἀφνεός may be explained following Balles: *h₂bʰnes-ó-, with ablaut as in ἄλγος - ἀλεγεινός (metr. lengthening in Homer is probable as *ἀφνεοιο is impossible in the hexameter and *ἀφνεος, -ν etc. are difficult). Thus the word seem perfectly IE. It cannot be connected with the Hittite word (reading *ḫpina- is doubtful). A loan from Anatolian would have κ-, the φ would be unclear, the s-stem, and the adjective.

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Grammatical information: m.

Meaning: `lead' (IA.)

Other forms: μόλιβος (Λ 237, also hell. prose), also μόλυβος (LXX), μόλιβδος (Plu.), βόλυβδος (Att. defixion-tablet), βόλιμος (Delph., Epid.), βόλιβος (Rhod. in περι-βολιβῶσαι)

Dialectal forms: Myc. moriwodo.

Compounds: Compp., e.g. μολυβδο-χοέω `melt lead, soldier with lead' (Ar., inscr.).

Derivatives: A. Subst.: μολύβδ-αινα f. `weight of lead, plummet, ball of lead.' (Ω 80, Hp., Arist.), `a plant, Plumbago europaea' (Plin.; Strömberg Pflanzennamen 26); as ἄκαινα a.o. (Schwyzer 475, Chantraine Form. 109); - ίς f. `id.' (Att., hell.); - ιον n. `lead weight' (Hp.), μολίβ-ιον n. `leaden pipe' (Antyll. ap. Orib.), - ίδιον (Hero); μολυβδ-ῖτις f. `lead-sand' (Dsc., Plin.; Redard 57 f.); - ωμα `lead-work' (Moschio ap.Ath.); μολυβᾶς, - ᾶτος m. `leadworker' (pap.). -- B. Adj.: μολύβδ-ινος ( μολίβ-) `of lead' (IA, Paul. Aeg.), - οῦς ( μολιβ-, μολυβ-) `id.' (Att., hell.); - ώδης `lead-like' (Dsc., Gal.), - ικός `of lead' (gloss.), μολυβ-ρόν τὸ μολυβοειδές H. -- C. Verbs: μολυβδόομαι ( μολιβ-) `be fitted out with lead weights etc.' (Arist.) with - ωσις (gloss.); περι-βολιβῶσαι `frame with lead' (Rhod.); μολυβδ-ιάω `have the colour of lead' of the face, as symptom of disease (Com. Adesp.). -- Here also μολβίς στάθ-μιόν τι ἑπταμναῖον H. with loss of an inner ι or υ (Solmsen Wortforsch. 60 n. 2).

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [not in Pok.] * mergʷ- `dark'

Etymology: Because of its variants the word was generally considered an Anatalian loan. βολιμος will be due to metathesis, βολιβος to assimilation in this form. The oldest forms are clearly μόλιβος and μόλυβδος. It is known that - ιβ- occurred against - υβδ-. Beside μόλυβδος and μόλιβος (- υ-) we have now Myc. \/moliwdos\/; μολιβδος is now also found in Olbia about 500 B.C. The Mycenaean form can easily be the oldest: i changed to u before w(d). -- Connection with Lat. plumbum cannot be explained. The word can also not come from the West, as lead was much older in Greece. Nor can Bask. berún `lead' be connected with Myc. moliwdos. - The word has been compared with Lydian marivda-, of which we now know that it meant `dark' (as in E. murk(y)); its Hitt. equivalant is mark(u)waya-; it would be an IE word from the root * mergʷ-, * morgʷiyo- giving * marwida-, which may have become * marwda- with syncope, which again might have become * marwida- by anaptyxis; for lead as `dark' cf. Lat. plumbum nigrum. Thus Melchert in Hittites, Greeks and their neighborrs in Ancient Anatolia, ed. Bachvarova, Collins and Rutherford (2005?).

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mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]

mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];

mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]

mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];

mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];

mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]

màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];

Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;

Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};

mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]

mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]

miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;

miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;

mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]

migla `mist, haze' [f ā];

mìegs `sleep' [m o]

IE meaning: mist, cloud

Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.

Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'

;

Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];

Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];

Av. maēɣa- `cloud'

;

Arm. mēg `mist';

MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}

\{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]

mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];

mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]

mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];

mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];

mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]

màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];

Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;

Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};

mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]

mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]

miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;

miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;

mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]

migla `mist, haze' [f ā];

mìegs `sleep' [m o]

IE meaning: mist, cloud

Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.

Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'

;

Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];

Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];

Av. maēɣa- `cloud'

;

Arm. mēg `mist';

MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}

\{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]

mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];

mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]

mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];

mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];

mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]

màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];

Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;

Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};

mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]

mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]

miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;

miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;

mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]

migla `mist, haze' [f ā];

mìegs `sleep' [m o]

IE meaning: mist, cloud

Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.

Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'

;

Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];

Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];

Av. maēɣa- `cloud'

;

Arm. mēg `mist';

MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}

\{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]

vjèdro `bucket' [n o];

vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];

Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]

vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3^a

weders (EV) `belly, stomach'

Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.

Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];

Gk. ὕδερος

`dropsy' [m];

Gk. ὅδερος γαστήρ (Hes.)

;

Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'

\{1\} With unclear -t-.

Grammatical information: v.

Meaning: `kindle', Med. intr. `burn (with light)' (Il.)

Other forms: pres. only.

Compounds: On Αἰθίοπες s.s.v. On κακ-ιθής, s. κέγκει

Derivatives: αἶθος m. `burning heat' (E.) = Skt. édha- m. `firewood', OHG eit m., OE ād `blaze, pyre'; αἰθός `glowing', also `colour of fire, dark', also αἴθων, - ωνος (Il.) and αἶθοψ (see on the meanings Beekes, Gl. 73, 1995\/6, 15-17). - αἶθος n. `fire' (A. R.) = Skt. édhas- n. `firewood', but the Greek word is late. - αἰθόλικες `pustule, pimple' (Hp., Gal.) (cf. πομφόλυξ `bubble'). αἰθύσσω came to mean also `stir up' (Sapph.); deriv. καταῖθυξ ( ὄμβρος ὁ καταιθύσσων H.); diff. Pisani Paideia 15, 1950, 245f. - αἴθυια f. name of a bird (s. Thompson Birds s. v.), also epithet of Athena, s. Kiock Arch. f. Religionswiss. 18, 127ff. but also Kretschmer Glotta 9, 229f., mostly explained as a colour name, but rather a substratum word (Szemerényi 1964 = Syncope, 207, Beekes 1998 FS Watkins 25 on - υια.). On αἴθουσα `hemlock, Conium maculatum' (Ps.-Dsc.) see CEG 4 (from `black') - On αἰθήρ, αἰθάλη, αἴθουσα see s. vv.

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [11] * h₂eidʰ- `kindle'

Etymology: Old PIE verbal root, of which the zero grade * h₂idʰ- appears in ἰθαρός, ἰθαίνω. Sanskrit has the root form idh-, with a nasal present i-n-ddhé `id.' (of which ἰθαίνω may be a reminiscence). αἶθος m. can be of PIE date, s. above. Av. aēsma- m. `firewood', Lith. íesmė `id.', Lat. aedes, aestas, aestus, Germanic e.g. OHG eit (s. above), ON. eisa f. `burning coals'.

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Grammatical information: f.

Meaning: `elk' (Paus.)

Origin: IE [Indo-European]X [probably] [302] * h₁el- `red, brown'

Etymology: Like Lat. alcēs, alcē (Caesar), a loan from Germanic. Cf. ON elgr from PGm. *alʒí-, beside which a form with initial stress, PGm. *álχ-, is supposed on which alcēs and ἄλκη go back. The West-Germanic form has e-: OHG. elahho \> NHG Elch, OE eolh, and has a different stem, PGm. *élχa(n)-. Slavic forms like Russ. losь `elk' suppose PIE *olḱis, which are compared with ON elgr. - One connects the root with a great number of words for animals, e. g. ἔλαφος (q. v.), see Pok. 302, and assumes that the root indicated a colour; what Frisk called "sehr hypothetisch und unwahrscheinlich." - I think that an IE word or root must be doubted; it may well be a loan from a non-IE language.

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Grammatical information: v.

Meaning: `mix, mix up' esp. of wine with water, `temper' (of the climate etc.) (Com., Hyp.)

Other forms: also κεραννύω (Com., Hyp.), κεραίω (Ι 203, Delph. V^a), κεράω (Od.; subj. κέρωνται Δ 260), κίρνημι, - νάω (Od.), aor. κεράσ(σ)αι (Il.), also ( ἐπι-)κρῆσαι (η 164, Hp.), pass. κρᾱθῆναι, κρηθῆναι (IA), also κερασθῆναι (Att.), perf. med. κέκρᾱμαι, - κρη- (Sapph., Pi., IA), also κεκέρασμαι (Arist.), fut. κερῶ (Att.), κεράσω (Them.), pass. κρᾱθήσομαι (Att.),

Dialectal forms: Myc. karatera

Compounds: also with prefix, esp. συν-

Derivatives: A. Of κρᾱ- ( κρη-): 1. κρᾶσις, κρῆσις ( σύγκρ. etc.) `mix' (IA) with *κρᾱσίον \> ModGr. κρασί `wine' (Kretschmer Glotta 15, 64f., Hatzidakis ib. 139f.; on the meaning of κρᾶσις s. Den Dulk Κρᾶσις. Bijdrage tot de Grieksche Lexicographie. Diss. Leiden 1934). 2. κρᾶμα (rarely also κράμμα after βάμμα a. o.), Ion. κρῆμα `mix, alloy', also `mixed wine' (Ion. hell.) with κραμάτιον (Dsc.) and κραμ(μ)άτινος `consisting of an alloy' (pap.). 3. κρᾱτήρ, κρητήρ m. "mixer", `mixing bowl', also metaph., `Krater' (Il.; on the meaning Brommer Herm. 77, 359 a. 366) with κρατηρία `id.' (Dsc.; Scheller Oxytonierung 54) and the diminutiva κρατήριον, κρη- (Hp.), κρατηρ-ίδιον (Boeot., J.), - ίσκος (Delos III^a, Ath.); κρατηρίζω "drink a bowl", `intoxicate oneself' (Sophr., D.; cf. Wackernagel Glotta 14, 52f. = Kl. Schr. 2, 860f.). 4. compounds like ἄ-κρᾱ-τος (- η-) `unmixed' (Il.), αὑτο-κρη-ής "mixed with itself", i. e. `unmixed' (Nic. Al. 163), αὑτό-κρας `id.' (Poll.). - B. Of κερᾰ-: κατα-κέρασις `mixing (with water)' (Arist.), κέρασμα `id.' (hell.), συγ-κερασμός `id.' (gloss.), κεραστός ( εὑ-, ἐγ-κέρ.) `mixed' (D. H., Plu., APl.), κεραστής `mixer' (Orph.), ἐπι-, κατα-κεραστικός `causing a (real) mix' (medic.), μετά-κερας adj. n. `tempered, lukewarm' (Com.), αὑτό-κερας, also as adv. `unmixed' (Poll., Phryn.; cf. αὑτοκρηής). S. also on 2. ἀκήρατος. In the meaning `unxed' ( οἶνος; Dsc. 5, 6, 10) ἀκέραιος is a reinterpretation of ἀκέραιος `undamaged'; s. on 1. ἀκήρατος.

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [582] *ḱerh₂- `mix;

Etymology: With the verbal adjective (ἄ)-κρᾱτος agrees Skt ptc. ā́-śīr-ta- `mixed'; both Gr. κρᾱ-, κρη- and Skt. śīr- represent the zero grade of a disyll. root. This root is seen in κερά-σαι (beside analogical κεράσ-σαι); (there is no Skt. *á-śari-ṣam). Nasal presents are Skt. śrī-ṇā́-ti and κίρ-νη-μι; both forms however are renewed or reshaped. An IE. *ḱr-nā-ti should have been Skt. *śr̥-ṇā́-ti (seen in the homonymous word for `break'), and Gr. *κάρ-νη-σι; the ι in κίρνημι is rather innovation after the reduplicating presents τίθημι, γίγνομαι etc. than old reduced grade. - To old κερά-σαι came the innovations κεραίω, κεράω, κεράννυμι (Schwyzer 676, 681, 697) just like κερῶ, κεράσω, κερασθῆναι, κεκέρασμαι (both with analogical σ); old(er) were κρᾱ-θῆναι, κέ-κρᾱ-μαι (like βλη-θῆναι, βέ-βλη-μαι a. o.). - Another system is provided by Oldiranian in the also semantically deviating Av. sar- `unite' (which must perhaps be separated; Gonda Acta Or. 14, 201; s. also Wackernagel-Debrunner KZ 67, 174 = Kl. Schr. 1, 390) - Further Pok. 582.

Page in Frisk: 1,824-825

Grammatical information: v.

Meaning: `to braid, to knit, to wind, to twine' (Il.).

Other forms: ( πλεγνύμενος Opp.), aor. πλέξαι (Il.), pass. πλεχθῆναι (Od.), πλακῆναι (IA.), innovation πλεκῆναι (Tim. Pers.), fut. πλέξω, pass. πλεχθήσομαι, πλακήσομαι, perf. πέπλοχα (Hp., Att.), also πέπλεχα (Hp.), - εκα (Call.), midd. pass. πέπλεγμαι (IA.),

Compounds: Often w. prefix, esp. περι-, ἐν(ι)-, συν-.

Derivatives: Many derivv. A. With ε-grade: 1. πλεκτός ( σύμ-, εὔ-πλέκω etc.) `braided, knit' (Il.; Ammann Μνήμης χάριν 1, 17). 2. πλεκτή f. `winding, knitwear, rope, fish trap' (A., E., Pl.; on the formation Frisk Eranos 43, 222). 3. πλεκτάνη f. `wattling, sling, winding' (IA.); enlargement of πλεκτή after δρεπάνη a.o. like βοτάνη to βοτόν (Schwyzer 490; cf. Benveniste Origines 108), with - άνιον (Eub.), - ανάομαι (A.), - ανόομαι (Hp.) `to be twined round'. 4. πλέγμα ( ἔμ-, σύμ-πλέκω a.o.) n. `plait, wattling a.o.' (IA.) with - μάτιον (Arist.), - ματεύεσθαι ἐμπλέκεσθαι H. 5. πλέκος n. `wattling, basketwork' (Ar.). 6. πλέξις ( περί-, ἔμ-, σύμ-πλέκω) f. `braiding, twining around etc.' (Pl., Arist.) with - είδιον (Suid.), ( περι-, συμ-)πλεκτικός `belonging to braiding etc.' (Pl.; Chantraine Études 135). 7. πλέκτρα n. pl. `wattling' (Samos IV<sup>a</sup>). 8. πλέκωμα = δράγμα (sch.). 9. ἐμπλέκ-της, f. - τρια `braider (m\/f) of hair' ( Gloss., EM). 10. ( περι-, ἐμ-)πλέγδην `entwined, interwoven' (hell.). 11. ἀμφι-, περι-, συμ-πλεκ-ής `id.' (Nonn., Orph.; verbal adj. after the ς-stems) with περιπλέκ-εια f. (Jamb.). 12. Desider. πλεξείω (Hdn. Epim.). -- B. With ο-grade: 1. πλόκος m. `twine, lock, wreath, collar' (Pi., trag.); adj. διά-, σύμ-πλέκω (AP, Nonn.) from δια-, συμ-πλέκω; πλόκιον n. `necklace' (hell. inscr. a.o.), ἐμ-πλέκω `hair slide etc.' (hell.), also (pl.) = ἑορτη παρὰ Άθηναίοις H.; πλόκ-ιμος `suited for braiding' (Thphr.; Arbenz 20, Strömberg Theophrastea 171), διαπλόκ-ινος `braided' (Str.), περιπλοκ-άδην `in a close embrace' (AP); πλοκ-ίζομαι `to let one's hair be braided' (Hp.). 2. πλοκή f. (Epich., Arist.) `plait, fabric, intertwining, complication etc.', very often from the prefixcompp. ( περι-, ἐμ-, κατα-, συμ- etc.) in diff. senses (IA.). From πλοκή or πλόκος: πλοκάς f. `hair plait, lock' (Pherecr.; after γενειάς a.o.); πλοκεύς m. `hair braider' (Epich., Hp.; Bosshardt 47). 3. πλόκαμος m. `lock of hair' (ep. poet. Ξ176) with - ίς, - ῖδος f. `id.' (hell.); unbound from ἐυπλοκάμιδες ( Άχαιαί Od.) after ἐυκνήμιδες ( Άχαιοί): κνημίς (Leumann Hom. Wörter 122f.); πλόκαμα τὰ περιόστεα νεῦρα H., - ώδεα τὸν οὖλον βόστρυχον H. 4. πλόκανον n. `braiding, knitwear etc.' (Pl., X.); after ξόανον, ὄργανον etc. -- 5. πλοχμός, most pl. - οί m. `locks of hair' (P 52, A. R., AP), suffix - σμο-(Schwyzer 493); connection to the σ-stem in rare πλέκος (prob. innovation) not credible; note however the s-deriv. in the Germ. word for `flax', OHG flahs, OE fleax n. (PGm. * flahsa-).

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [834] *pleḱ- `twine'

Etymology: The thematic root-present πλέκω, on which the whole system including the nouns can have been built (on the aorist πλέξαι Schwyzer 754; πλακῆναι etc. then analog. innovations), has outside Greek no exact correspondence. However, in Lat. an intensive deverbative in plicō, - āre `fold (together)' (for * plecō after the far more usual compp. ex-plicō etc.), partly in Lat., Germ., perh. also in Slav. a t-enlargement in Lat. plectō = Germ., e.g. OHG flehtan ' flechten', Slav., e.g. OCS pletǫ, plesti `συρράπτειν', Russ. pletú, plestí (-tь) `twine', also `lie, cut up'. An isolated verbal noun has been retained in Skt. praśnaḥ m. `turban, headband' (IE *ploḱ-no-s); on further possible representatives in Indo-Iran. Mayrhofer s. v. -- Further forms w. lit. in WP. 2, 97f., Pok. 834f., W.-Hofmann s. 1. plectō and plicō, Ernout-Meillet s. plectō; Slav. forms in Vasmer s. pletú.

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Grammatical information: root

Meaning: `curve'

Compounds: ἀγκυλομήτης `who thinks crookes thoughts' (Il.) from *μη-μι (cf. Skt. mā́ti) Ruijgh, Lingua 25, 1970, 306.

With l-suffix: ἀγκάλη f., mostly pl. `curved arm, armfull' (Archil.); ἀγκαλίς, - ίδες (Il.) - ἀγκύλος `curved, bent' (Il.) For the stem in -u- cf. Skt. aṅku-rá- `hook' (note Wheeler's law). For the l-suffix cf. OHG angul `fishhook', ON ōl f. `belt' (like ἀγκύλη), ōll `germ' etc. Uncertain ἀγκλόν σκολιόν H. –

With n-suffix: ἀγκών, - ῶνος m. `elbow', dat. pl. ἀγκάσι (Opp.), cf. ἀγκάς below (Il.). Feminine formation ἄγκοιναι `arms' (Il.). With old -e- ἐπ-ηγκενίδες `long planks on a ship' (Bechtel Lex.) –

With s-Suffix: ἄγκος n. `mountain glen' (Il.), formally = Skt. ánkas- n. `curve'.

With - tro-: ἄγκιστρον `hook' (Od.; from *ἀγκίζω.)

Unclear ἀγκάς ἀγκάλας H. (Bechtel Lex.). Adverb ἀγκάς `in the arms' (Il.), except Ψ 711 only before vowel, probably the elided dat. pl. with zero grade suffix of ἀγκών ( ἀγκάσι like φρασί).

One generally takes here ἄγκῡρα `ancre' (Alk.), but I suggest it is a substratum word (typical Pre-Greek suffix, hardly from - ur-ya-; cf. γέφῡρα, γόργῡρα). (LW [loanword] lat. ancora, and Marāthi naṅgar `id.'.)

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [45] *h₂enk- `bend'

Etymology: Widespread IE root, e.g. Skt. áñcati `bend, curve'. ὄγκος from * h₂onk-.

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Grammatical information: f. (on the gender DELG).

Meaning: `fox' (Archil.).

Other forms: A shortened form is ἀλωπά (Alc.), ἀλωπός (Hdn.); on its origin Sommer Nominalkomp. 5 A. 5. Denom. ἀλωπεύει ἀνιχνεύει H., cf. NGr. (Crete) λαγονεύω `trace' from λαγώς, Kukules Άρχ. Έφ. 27, 70f.

Derivatives: ἀλωπεκέη, -ῆ `fox-skin' (Hdt.); ἀλωπεκία a disease of the skin (Arist.); ἀλωπεκίς f. = κυναλώπηξ (X.), also `head-gear from fox-skin' (X.) and `kind of vine' (Plin.), s. Strömberg Pflanzennamen 139

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [1179?] * h₂lop- `fox'

Etymology: ἀλώπηξ can agree with Arm. aɫuēs, gen. - esu `fox'. Cf. further Lith. lãpė and Latv. lapsa. Schrijver, JIES 26, 1998, 421-434 connects the Celtic words W. llywarn etc., which he derives from * lop-erno-, and reconstructs * h₂lop-. The Greek long ō is explained from an old nom. * h₂lōp-s. (Skt. lopāśá- `jackal' and MP rōpās `fox' have an orig. diphthong in the root and cannot be connected. Lat. volpes `fox', Lith. vilpišỹs `wild cat' should also be kept apart; Schrijver starts from a root * ulp-). - The inflection ἀλώπηξ, - εκος is unique in Greek. There is no support for Rix's - ōk-s, - ek-os (1976,, 143). In the Armenian form, the ē presents difficulties and is prob. secondary, the word rather showing old short e; Clackson 1994, 95. De Vaan, IIJ 43, 2000, 279-293, disconnects the suffix from the Indo-Ir. one (as above the words were disconnected) and doubts that Skt. -āśa- etc. is of IE origin. He follows Chantr. Form. 376, in assuming that the Greek (and Armenian) suffix - ek- was taken from a non-IE language; Greek would have lengthened the vowel in the nominative. But this does not explain the Greek ablaut: one would expect that the long vowel was introduced everywhere. Rather the suffixes are IE, and the long vowel of Saskrit and the short of Armenian confirm the Greek ablaut as archaic. - See also Blažek, Linguistica Baltica 7, 1998, 25-31. Cf. Nehring Glotta 14, 184, Lidén KZ 56, 212ff., Fraenkel KZ 63, 189f., Hermann KZ 69, 66.

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Grammatical information: m.

Meaning: `the old, aged one' (poet. Pi., trag.), `president' (Sparta); pl. πρέσβεις most `ambassador, messenger' (Att., Dor. inscr.); besides πρεσβ-ῆες (Hes. Sc. 245), - εῦσιν (Lyc.), du. -ῆ (Att.); cf. below on πρεσβεύω.

Other forms: Gen. (rare) - εως, - εος, acc. - υν, voc. -υ.

Compounds: As 1. member a.o. in πρεσβυ-γενής `first-born' (A 249 a.o.).

Derivatives: 1. Comp. forms: πρεσβύ-τερος (with - τέριον `council of elders' [N.T.]), - τατος `old, venerable, the eldest, most venerable' (Il.); also πρέσβιστος `most venerable' (h. Hom., A., S. a.o.) after κράτιστος, κύδιστος, with the cross πρεσβίστ-ατος (Nic.). 2. Feminins: πρέσβα ( θεά) `the venerable', of Hera a.o. (ep. Il.), after πότνα ( θεά)?; πρέσβεα ( μήτηρ; poet. inscr. from Caria II-I^a), metr. cond.; πρέσβειρα ( θεῶν a.o.; h. Ven. etc.), after πίειρα, - άνειρα a.o.; πρεσβηΐς ( τιμή h. Hom.), after βασιληΐς a.o., cf. πρεσβῆες above. 3. πρεσβ-ήϊον n. `gift of honour' (Θ 289), - εῖον `privilege (of age)' (Att., hell.). 4. - εία f. `right, privilege (of age)' (A., Pl.), usu. `embassy' (Att.; to πρεσβεύω). 5. πρεσβύ̄της m. `the old, aged one', enlargement of πρέσβυς after πολίτης a.o. (not with Fraenkel Glotta 34, 301 ff. innovation to πρεσβῦτις; IA.) with f. - ῦτις, adj. - υτικός `senile' (Att. etc.). 6. πρεσβῠ́της, - ητος f., Dor. - τας. - τατος `(higher) age' (inscr. Messene I<sup>a</sup> [completed] a.o.; after νεότης). 7. πρέσβις f. `age, rank', only in κατὰ πρέσβιν (h. Merc., Pl. a.o.); after κατὰ τάξιν a.o. 8. πρέσβος n. `(object of) veneration', after κῦδος, κράτος a.o. 9. πρεσβ-εύω `to be the eldest, to have precedence, to be ambassador', trans. `to attend, venerate like a πρέσβυς', midd. `to send ambassadors', also w. παρα-, συν-, ἀπο- a.o., with - ευτής m. `ambassador, messenger' (Att.; as singulative to πρέσβεις). - ευτικός, - εύτειρα, - ευτεύω, - ευμα, - ευσις; partly also πρεσβεία (s. ab. 4) and, as backformation, πρεσβεῦσιν dat. pl. (Lyc.; s. ab.; cf. Bosshardt 63). -- 10. Shortnames like Πρέσβων (to πρέσβειρα after πέπειρα: πέπων? Fraenkel KZ 43, 216 n.2). Πρέσβος a.o., s. Bechtel Hist. Personennamen 385. -- On the diff. writings and formations s. Lejeune Mém. de phil. myc. 239ff.

Origin: IE [Indo-European] [812] * pres-gʷeu- `who goes in front'

Etymology: Beside the above forms stand in Doric, esp. in Crete, and in Northwestgr. several byforms with γ for β and changing initial syllable: πρεῖγυς, πρείγιστος with comp. πρείγων, πρειγ-εύω with - ευτάς, -ήϊα, - εία; also πρείγα f. `council of elders' (Locris); πρεσγευτάς, πρεγγ-; later πρήγιστος with (Cos) - ιστεύω; πρεσγέα = πρεσβεία (Argos), πρισγε(ι)ες (Boeot.); also σπέργυς πρέσβυς and πέργουν πρέσβεις H. Common basis prob. πρεσγ- (with voiced σ; cf. πρεζβευτάς Delphi); from there through phonetical, in detail uncertain developments the other forms, s. Schwyzer 276, Seiler Steigerungsformen 59, Thumb-Kieckers 158, Kapsomenos Glotta 40, 46ff., Masson Glotta 41, 65ff., Lejeune l.c. (with rejection of Mycenaean interpretations). -- From the interchange β: γ follows an orig. IE labiovelar gʷ; the preceding syllable, prob. to be taken as the 1. member of a compound, contains as is generally assumed a frozen adverb πρές `in front' (s. πρός). The final syllable resp. the final member is debated. By Bezzenberger BB 4, 345, Bloomfield AmJPh 29, 79 ff. compared with Skt. puro-gavá- `leader', of which the 2. member is derived both from gaúḥ = βοῦς (so prop. *"leading bull"), as, and on better grounds, from a word for `go' (in βαίνω, βῆναι resp. Skt. jávate `run') (so prop. *"who goes in fromt"). Thus a.o. Fraenkel Glotta 32, 17 u. 34, 301 ff., who wants to explain also Lith. žmogùs `man' in this way (prop. "going on earth"; s. also Wb. s.v. w. lit.); on the Skt. word esp Mayrhofer s. puráḥ. -- Very temptong is the connection with Arm. erēc̣, gen. eric̣u `elder, priest' (Meillet in Lejeune op. cit. 240 n. 9), of which the ē prob. continues a diphthong ei or oi (IE * preisgʷu-?) and usu. connected with Lat. prīscus. Cf. on μεσσηγύς: the second member continues a root * gʷeu-, a variant of * gʷem-.

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G, g, indecl. n. or (on account of littera) f., had originally no place in the Latin alphabet: both the sharp and the flat guttural mutes, our k and g sounds, being represented by C; hence on the Columna Rostrata LECIONES, MACISTRATOS, EXFOCIONT, (pu)CNANDOD, PVCN(ad), CARTACINIENSIS, for legiones, etc.; hence, too, the archaic form ACETARE for agitare (v. Paul. ex Fest. p. 23 Müll. N. cr.), and the still common abbreviation of the names Gaius and Gneus in C and Cn.—At a later period (acc. to Plut. Qu. Rom. p. 277 D and 278 E, by means of a freedman of Spurius Carvilius Ruga, about the beginning of the second Punic war) a slight graphic alteration was made in the C, which introduced into the Roman orthography the letter G (on the old monuments C); thus we have in the S. C. de Bacchanal.: MAGISTER, MAGISTRATVM, FIGIER, GNOSCIER, AGRO; on the other hand, the orthography GNAIVOD PATRE PROGNATVS on the first Epitaph of the Scipios, which dates before that time, indicates either incorrectness in the copying or a later erection of the monument. When Greek words are written in Latin letters and vice versa, G always corresponds to G. Its sound was always hard, like Engl. g in gate, at least until the sixth century A. D.As an initial, g, in pure Latin words, enters into consonantal combination only with l and r; and therefore in words which, from their etymology, had the combination gn, the g was rejected in the classical period, and thus arose the class. forms nascor, natus, nosco, novi, notus, narus, navus, from the original gnascor, gnatus, gnosco, etc. (cf. the English gnaw, gnat, gnarr, etc., where the g has become silent); whereas in compounds the g again is often retained: cognatus, cognosco, ignarus, ignavus.—An initial g is dropped in lac (kindred to GALACT, gala), likewise in anser (kindred to Germ. Gans; Sanscr. hansa; Greek chên).As a medial, g combines with l, m, n, r, although it is sometimes elided before m in the course of formation; so in examen for exagmen from agmen; in contamino for contagmino (from con-TAG, tango). Before s the soft sound of g passes into the hard sound of c, and becomes blended with the s into x (v. the letter X); though sometimes the g (or c) is elided altogether, as in mulsi from mulgeo, indulsi from indulgeo; cf.: sparsus, mersus, tersus, etc. So too before t, as indultum from indulgeo. The medial g is often dropped between two vowels, and compensated for by lengthening the preced. vowel: māior from măgior, pulēium from pulēgium, āio from ăgio (root AG, Sanscr. ah, to say; cf. nego). Likewise the medial g is dropped in lēvis for legvis, Sanscr. laghn, fava for fagva, fruor for frugvor, flamma for flagma, stimulus for stigmulus, examen for exagmen; jumentum, from root jug-: sumen from sug-; cf.: umor, flamen, etc.As a final, g was only paragogic, acc. to Quint. 1, 7, 13, in the obsolete VESPERVG (for vesperu, analogous with noctu; v. Spald. ad loc.). Etymologically, g corresponds to an original Indo - European g or gh, or is weakened from c, k. Thus it stands where in Greek we have:

g, as ago, agô; ager, agros; argentum, arguros; genus, genos; fulgeo, phlegô, and so very commonly;

ch (usually before r, or in the middle of a word): ango, anchô; rigo, brechô; gratus, chairô, etc.;

k: viginti, eikosi; gubernator, kubernêtês; gummi, kommi, etc.—By assimilation, g was produced from b and d in oggero, suggero, aggero, etc., from obgero, sub-gero, ad-gero, etc.As an abbreviation, G denotes Galliarum, Gallica, gemina, Germania, genius, etc.; and sometimes Gaius (instead of the usual C); v. Inscr. Orell. 467; 1660; 4680:

G.P.R.F. genio populi Romani feliciter,

Inscr. Orell. 4957; v. Corss. Ausspr. 1, 76 sqq.; Roby, Lat. Gr. 1, 38 sqq.

G, g, indecl. n. or (on account of littera) f., had originally no place in the Latin alphabet: both the sharp and the flat guttural mutes, our k and g sounds, being represented by C; hence on the Columna Rostrata LECIONES, MACISTRATOS, EXFOCIONT, (pu)CNANDOD, PVCN(ad), CARTACINIENSIS, for legiones, etc.; hence, too, the archaic form ACETARE for agitare (v. Paul. ex Fest. p. 23 Müll. N. cr.), and the still common abbreviation of the names Gaius and Gneus in C and Cn.—At a later period (acc. to Plut. Qu. Rom. p. 277 D and 278 E, by means of a freedman of Spurius Carvilius Ruga, about the beginning of the second Punic war) a slight graphic alteration was made in the C, which introduced into the Roman orthography the letter G (on the old monuments C); thus we have in the S. C. de Bacchanal.: MAGISTER, MAGISTRATVM, FIGIER, GNOSCIER, AGRO; on the other hand, the orthography GNAIVOD PATRE PROGNATVS on the first Epitaph of the Scipios, which dates before that time, indicates either incorrectness in the copying or a later erection of the monument. When Greek words are written in Latin letters and vice versa, G always corresponds to G. Its sound was always hard, like Engl. g in gate, at least until the sixth century A. D.As an initial, g, in pure Latin words, enters into consonantal combination only with l and r; and therefore in words which, from their etymology, had the combination gn, the g was rejected in the classical period, and thus arose the class. forms nascor, natus, nosco, novi, notus, narus, navus, from the original gnascor, gnatus, gnosco, etc. (cf. the English gnaw, gnat, gnarr, etc., where the g has become silent); whereas in compounds the g again is often retained: cognatus, cognosco, ignarus, ignavus.—An initial g is dropped in lac (kindred to GALACT, gala), likewise in anser (kindred to Germ. Gans; Sanscr. hansa; Greek chên).As a medial, g combines with l, m, n, r, although it is sometimes elided before m in the course of formation; so in examen for exagmen from agmen; in contamino for contagmino (from con-TAG, tango). Before s the soft sound of g passes into the hard sound of c, and becomes blended with the s into x (v. the letter X); though sometimes the g (or c) is elided altogether, as in mulsi from mulgeo, indulsi from indulgeo; cf.: sparsus, mersus, tersus, etc. So too before t, as indultum from indulgeo. The medial g is often dropped between two vowels, and compensated for by lengthening the preced. vowel: māior from măgior, pulēium from pulēgium, āio from ăgio (root AG, Sanscr. ah, to say; cf. nego). Likewise the medial g is dropped in lēvis for legvis, Sanscr. laghn, fava for fagva, fruor for frugvor, flamma for flagma, stimulus for stigmulus, examen for exagmen; jumentum, from root jug-: sumen from sug-; cf.: umor, flamen, etc.As a final, g was only paragogic, acc. to Quint. 1, 7, 13, in the obsolete VESPERVG (for vesperu, analogous with noctu; v. Spald. ad loc.). Etymologically, g corresponds to an original Indo - European g or gh, or is weakened from c, k. Thus it stands where in Greek we have:

g, as ago, agô; ager, agros; argentum, arguros; genus, genos; fulgeo, phlegô, and so very commonly;

ch (usually before r, or in the middle of a word): ango, anchô; rigo, brechô; gratus, chairô, etc.;

k: viginti, eikosi; gubernator, kubernêtês; gummi, kommi, etc.—By assimilation, g was produced from b and d in oggero, suggero, aggero, etc., from obgero, sub-gero, ad-gero, etc.As an abbreviation, G denotes Galliarum, Gallica, gemina, Germania, genius, etc.; and sometimes Gaius (instead of the usual C); v. Inscr. Orell. 467; 1660; 4680:

G.P.R.F. genio populi Romani feliciter,

Inscr. Orell. 4957; v. Corss. Ausspr. 1, 76 sqq.; Roby, Lat. Gr. 1, 38 sqq.